Feelings of victimhood and aggression towards Bosniaks were further stirred up with exaggerated tales about the role played by a small number of Bosniaks in the persecution of Serbs during the genocide perpetrated by the Ustaše during World War II. In 1989, Serbian president, Slobodan Milošević inflamed Serbian nationalist sentiment with the Gazimestan Speech which referred to the Battle of Kosovo.
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Since its inception, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had not been a platform for internal nationalist sentiment, and individuals who sought to ignite tensions risked imprisonment, torture or execution. Historians such as Niall Ferguson have assessed a key factor behind the high-level decision to use mass rape for ethnic cleansing as being misguided nationalism. The second aim is to reduce the likelihood of return and reconstitution by inflicting humiliation and shame on the targeted population. The first aim of these mass rapes is to instill terror in the civilian population, with the intent to forcibly dislocate them from their property. Īccording to Amnesty International, the use of rape during times of war is not a by-product of conflicts, but a pre-planned and deliberate military strategy.
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Genocidal rape is a feature of campaigns which involve ethnic cleansing and genocide, as the objective is to destroy or forcefully remove the target population, and ensure they do not return. The Bosnian War was the first time that mass rape was recognized and prosecuted by an international tribunal. The war-torn Sarajevo neighborhood of Grbavica in 1996, a site of rape camps during the Bosnian War and subject of the award-winning film Grbavica. Following the war, several award-winning documentaries, feature films and plays were produced which cover the rapes and their aftermath. The widespread media coverage of the atrocities by Serbian paramilitary and military forces against Bosniak women and children, drew international condemnation of the Serbian forces.
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The trial of VRS member Dragoljub Kunarac was the first time in any national or international jurisprudence that a person was convicted of using rape as a weapon of war. Although the ICTY did not treat the mass rapes as genocide, many have concluded from the organized, and systematic nature of the mass rapes of the female Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) population, that these rapes were a part of a larger campaign of genocide, and that the VRS were carrying out a policy of genocidal rape against the Bosnian Muslim ethnic group. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) declared that "systematic rape" and "sexual enslavement" in time of war was a crime against humanity, second only to the war crime of genocide.
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343 Statistics are difficult to ascertain because it is believed that the number of unreported cases is much higher than the number of reported cases. Estimates of the number of women raped during the war range between 10,000 and 50,000. While men from all ethnic groups committed rape, the vast majority of rapes were perpetrated by Bosnian Serb forces of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS) and Serb paramilitary units, who used rape as an instrument of terror and key tactics as part of their programme of ethnic cleansing. Rape during the Bosnian War was a policy of mass systemic violence targeted against women. Use of rape as a military strategy during the Bosnian War